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In fact, Pellican would have been an attractive tool. Like Clarius, the former Franciscan remained committed to the ongoing place of the Vulgate in the church. Its elucidation by means of variant readings from the Hebrew often placed in parentheses within the text could be hoped to serve to perpetuate "the venerable authority of the popular translation amongst the Christian people.
The first is the paraphrased Psalter of Jan van Campen Campensis , the second the massive commentary on the Psalms by Bucer of Strasbourg. Each of these is much more significant in the annotations and their discussion can be left until later. First and foremost, he exercises his own judgement in their deployment.
It is apparent that he often passes over emendations proposed by both Estienne and Pellican. He obviously dislikes the contemporary fashion of giving common names a more Hebraic form e. Moscheh for Moses ; and resists the impulse, for example, to turn the "paradise of pleasure" of Genesis 2,8 into the "Garden of Eden" Though he takes cognizance of the Hebrew interjection Selah in a note at Ps 3,5. Hebraisms he avoids where their introduction would not contribute materially to the understanding of the literal sense.
Thus at Ps 3,6 he retains "exsurrexi" with its Christological overtones, though "evigilavi" is given by Miinster, Pellican and Estienne. On the other hand he can take bold action where he deems it warranted. In Psalm 14 there were in the Vulgate three units of text not present in the Hebrew: the phrase "non est usque ad unum" at the end of v. Perhaps because of its Christological application, Clarius does not follow his contemporary sources, retaining the offending member in v.
The other two however are dropped, the former without even an explanation and in defiance of what more traditional scholars consid- ered Pauline warrant for its inclusion. This is consistent with his operating principle, which called for him to avoid revisions not strictly neces- sary for the sense, drawing attention instead to the variant in the notes.
Annotations of this sort are often but a few words, whereas those that elucidate difficult passages can be considerably more extensive. On the ninety verses in our seven passages, there are 59 formal notes, which become 72 when those that combine two or more verses are broken up. Moreover another seven are given in the edition. Thus the ratio of notes to verses is As might be expected this often takes the form of a gloss of the Hebrew not thought important enough to insert as a revision.
In the prophets. Munster furnishes the historical introduction that begins the annotation of each book. From Miinster too Clarius draws explana- tions of Hebraisms or of features of the ancient world, and occasionally a quote from the Targum or a mediaeval rabbinic comentator. Very frequently Clarius uses Miinster verbatim. At places in the prophets Pellican seems behind one-half the notes; he contributes less in Genesis and Samuel, and very little in the Psalms. Pellican's format was a paragraph of comment per verse of text.
From this Clarius occasionally lifted a phrase verbatim; more often he paraphrased an idea in his own words. This style of use makes identification of borrowings less simple than with Miinster; there are occasions when one wonders if both authors may be reading a common source. Yet enough is certain to permit the observation that Clarius appreciated Pellican's combination of an historico-literal interpretation with moralistic observations, that he found attractive Pellican's emphasis upon Christ in the Old Testament and the displacement of Israel as people of God by the Church.
On the other hand he usually ignores the Zuricher's allegorizing and hardly surprisingly, his Protestant propaganda. Obviously attracted by the work, Clarius borrowed heavily, in the process making his Psalms annotation much lengthier than for any other book. A notable feature of Bucer' s work is his quest for an historia, that historical moment that stimulated the composition of individual psalms, in whose light the details of the text may be expounded. From Bucer Clarius adopts a number, though by no means all of these; but their place in his notes is small. In this respect he is, like Pellican, more drawn to the Christological application of the Davidic materials.
Jan van Campen Campensis , professor at the Trilingue in Louvain, published at Nuremberg in dL Paraphrase of the Psalter, after permission had been refused in Brussels. Jerome, sometimes with the rendering by Zwingli! Campensis spent two years in Italy, for a time in the household of Reginald Pole, for a time in Rome under Contarini's patronage. He was thus almost certainly known personally to Clarius, who will have found Campensis' fervent biblical humanism and irenical zeal congenial with his own temperament.
In the three psalms studied, phrases from Campensis occur on ten occasions. Finally, the Estienne Bible, whose major role in the text revision has already been discussed, contributes also to the annotations, its marginal notes occurring from time to time as examples of alternative ways of translating the text. The sources with which Clarius is working are never identified by name.
This may be prudence, in the light of the taint of heresy that attached to several. It also corresponds, however, to his practice when he makes use of rabbinical materials found in Munster and Bucer. Unlike these two, who generally name the source they are quoting, Clarius falls back on the traditional "certain Jews," or simply cites without any reference at all.
In Isaiah in particular, he seems to have had a source beyond Munster and Pellican; could this have been notes from Campensis' lectures in Padua? If Clarius naturally omits Protestant propaganda, he is not interested in scoring the heretics. Thus although very attracted to Bucer's exposition of Psalm 19, when the latter disparages those neoterici who erect false dichotomies between Law and Gospel, Clarius ignores this mild barb directed at Luther and Bugenhagen. One cannot conclude this discussion of the annotation without a word of comment on the absentees. If as we have seen, three leading exegetes of the upper Rhine school are amongst his authorities, others of their colleagues apparently were not.
Arriving in January , after some procedural debate the abbots were seated with a single vote between them. Subse- quently he intervenes on several occasions in the justification debate. On March 1, Thomas Caselli, the Dominican bishop of Bertinoro, pointed to Clarius' Vulgate as an elegant example of what the church required, viz. Although no translation could ever equal the original Hebrew and Greek, he could acquiesce in a conciliar preference for the Vulgate, once it had been corrected against the originals. This would address the problem of the confusion created for the faithful by the host of new translations in circulation; a corrected official Vulgate would gradually bring these other translations into disuse.
In the interim, the council might forbid the making of new ones. Furthermore he could speak in any event only as part of the triumvirate.
On the former day, while giving general approval to the decree on Scripture and tradition, the abbots include amongst other points that they would prefer not to ascribe the Psalter formally to David, nor do they like the formula pari pietatis affectu with its equation of the reverence due Scripture and tradition.
Consistent with this respect for the Hebrew is their preference for omitting mention of the Septuagint in the decree. In the voting which followed the abbots supported Cardinal Pole's plea that the one official version of the Church be trilingual, that is, include the Hebrew and the Greek originals. On this they were in the minority.
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Given Clarius' reputation as a biblical scholar and the favourable notice he had already received on the floor of council, it should hardly surprise if his two fellow abbots deferred to his expertise in the biblical debate. Ehses' argument that an individual abbot could not speak is disproved by the events of May The Council passed to other matters. For his part, the following January Clarius added to his responsibilities the diocese of Foligno, where he left the reputation of a reformer devoted to the pastoral formation of his clergy.
Apparently he continued to find time for his studies, for a second edition of his Bible appeared in , two years after his death, this time from the well-known Venetian firm of the Giunti. A short preface is added, in which the reader is informed that this second edition "by popular demand" includes numerous additions to both text revi- sion and annotation by Clarius himself.
An "Ordo librorum" also appears with the prolegomena. In all other respects, however, these latter are untouched, so that Clarius' critique of the Vulgate in the original preface is intact. With the so-called Trent Index of , this radical censure of a Father of the Council was made precise. The preface and prolegomena of Clarius' Bible were to be removed, and its title to allow no possible confusion of his text with that of the Vulgate.
While the new title page takes cognizance of the Tridentine strictures, the publisher in fact merely removed the offending four prefatory leaves from his existing stock, retaining the "ordo librorum", and put his Clarius back on the shelves. The copies I have examined retain the colophon.
The regularity with which certain passages - notably at Ps. He was among the exegetes of the previous century to find a new lease on life by inclusion in the voluminous Critici sacri, published at London in , and subsequently reissued in Frankfurt at the turn of the next century. This has been but a preliminary study. Nonetheless it suggests two concluding observations. First, the strictures of Simon and others notwith- standing, the place of Clarius needs to be recognized in the history of the Bible in the 16th century.
In his struggle for a reformed Vulgate which should reflect faithfully the sense of the original, in his preference amongst contemporary exegetes for the work of the northern European humanists, he represented a form of pre-Tridentine Catholic biblical scholarship which because of its presuppositions found itself enjoying more affinities with some evangelical Protestant scholarship than with much of Italian biblica. But there are insights to be gained too from the losers of historic confrontations. Which in turn reminds us that we have still much to learn about the complex of ideas, personalities and activities that was the reform party in Italy in the two decades leading up to the first period of the council of Trent.
Any reply then to the question in the title of this paper, would do well to recall the ambiquity with which its biblical original was put 1 Sam. At this juncture we can at least note that abbot Isidore danced discreetly before the Lord in the company of the Rhineland evangelical prophets. Vancouver School of Theology Notes 1. Such a definition would include Erasmian Catholics as well as persons more attracted to what became Protestant thought: e. Quarterius to Martin Bucer, There is debate over the appropriateness of the term Vulgate applied to the Church's Bible before the Council of Trent.
In this instance, it is the term Clarius himself chose for his edition of the Bible, a title subsequently censured by the Council. Histoire critique du Vieux Testament Rotterdam, , On Miinster see infra, n. Lauchert, f. Its full title: Vulgata aeditio Veteris ac Novi testamenti, quorum alterum adHebraicam, alterum ad Graecam veritatem emendatum est diligentissime, ut nova aeditio non facile desyderetur, et vetus tamen hie agnoscatur: adiectis ex eruditis scriptoribus scholiis, ita ubi opus est, locupletibus, ut pro commentariis sint: multis certe locorum millibus praesertim difficilioribus lucem afferunt.
Venetiis apud Petrum Schoeffer Maguntinum Germanum. Aile Propheten Worms, On Schoeffer, F. Sign, iiv. Ibid, "si statera aurificis et non populari potius quadam trutina uti voluissem, offensae fuissent omnino ecclesiae aures, neque id quod cogitaveram esset consecutum, ut scilicet vulgata aeditio agnosceretur. In his Veteris Testamenti ad Hebraicam veritatem recognitio. Steucho would likewise be delegated to the Council of Trent.
For his defence of Jerome's authorship of the Vulgate and its superiority to all other versions see the preface, fol. Habes in hoc libro For the Vienne decree, see Corpus luris Canonici, ed. Friedberg, 2, Richard Cenomanus, Collationes ad Psalmos Paris, publ. Above n. Jan van Campen in Louvain reported in the rumour that Clement VII had set a commission of six Christians and six Jews to the task preface to his Psalter, see infra n.
Clarius: "Verum quod ad castigationes pertinet, consilium id fuit meum non ad vivum, quod aiunt, omnia resecare"; cf. Cicero, De amicitia 18, Loeb This leaf was frequently removed by censors from copies of both the and editions of Clarius. Cum ergo emendare non licuerit, multo minus obscuriora loca illustrare scholiis potui, quae non nisi ablatis a textu erroribus sunt adhibenda, ne, quod hactenus a multis factum est, in ipsis erroribus cogeremur philosophari vol.
Note that Hebrew MT and Vulgate traditions do not always coincide in chapter and verse divisions and numbering. In this paper I shall use throughout the MT system. Since my initial writing of this paper, Maria Cristina Pauselli has begun study of Clarius' work on the New Testament under the direction of Dr. Biblia Breves in eadem annotationes, ex doctissimis interpretationibus et Hebraeorum commentariis Parisiis, ex officina Robert Stephani. In G, e. The reading at Hosea 1, 2 is that of Estienne against Estienne For a standard Vg I have used the Brant text of Basel In A, C, F and G exactly.
At B they are omitted; at E there is an additional "Prov. After 1,11, as also in Pellican. A comparison of the indices may reveal further correspondences. The "vir doctus aliquis" who worked for and with Estienne is identified in the preface as one Guillaume Fabritius, a canon of Poitiers.
Karl H. Burmeister, Sebastian Munster. Eine Bibliographie Wiesbaden ; on M. Supra nn. En damus tibi Christianissime lector Commentaria Bibliorum et ilia brevia quidem. Zurich, , 7 vols. See Pellican's defence of this preference in the preface vol. On this debate within the Rhineland school, cf. Apparently overlooking the fact that its first appearance is two verses earlier. Thus at 1 Sm 2,5, the barren continues to be promised "plurimos", not "septem" as the Hebrew translates literally.
Apparently Clarius was also not interested in promot- ing numerological speculations. At Ps 19,4; also at Gen 2,1 : both comments added in edition. On the debate, which opposed a reverence for the original even to the word order with an insistence on the necessity of translating sense to sense, see Hobbs, "Exegetical projects and problems: a new look at an undated letter from Bucer to Zwingli" in Prophet, Pastor, Protestant: the Work ofHuldrych Zwingli after 50 years, ed.
Pipkin Allison Park, Pa. Clarius does note the issue in his annotations; but he is impressed above all by the providential application of these words concerning David to Christ. On the handling of this textual issue by a variety of 16th C. Paul as interpreter of the Psalms in the 16th C. David C. At Ps 19, the introduction to the Ps is Bucer, in part paraphrased by Clarius, in part by Munster whence it is taken up verbatim. At Gen 2, he does not use Pellican's allegorical treatment of the Garden. Later at 2,18 he likewise passes over Pellican's comments on the evils of enforced celibacy; he does however paraphrase Pellican's comment that the replacement of the man's rib by flesh after the making of woman 2,21 symbolizes the diminishing of virility that comes through intimacy with women!
Sacrorum Psalmorum libri quinque [Strasbourg] ; cf. In he adds a sentence loosely based upon Bucer or Pellican's abridgement of him underlying the typological application of the text to Christ. In Psalm 3, the historia has of course canonical warrant v. At Ps 2, CI. Clarius makes extensive use of Bucer on this psalm; there are 13 lines of biblical text for 66 lines of notes by comparison the following psalm has a ratio of Amongst the materials borrowed, Bucer's discussion of the correct way to relate the Old Testament to the New.
The opening statement, of the superiority of the sun to any star is Bucer digested by Miinster; the comparison of the sun to a bridegroom and a striking reference to contemporary Jewish wedding customs are verbatim Bucer; a reference to John 3,29, the simile of a runner with a quotation from Homer and cross-reference to Ps 18,34, and comment upon the elegance of the simile and its lesson for us, all follow in succession from Bucer, partly verbatim, partly paraphrased.
Psalmorum omnium iuxta hebraicam veritatem paraphrastica interpretatio Nuremberg On Campensis see H. So at Gen 2,3 from Miinster and the intro.
Fashionably French Fried
The exception seems to be the translations from the Targum: Hos 1,22 "Jonathan" , or often "Chaldaeus. Fenlon, op. At Gen 2,19 where he adds "opinor ex hoc loco Platonem venisse in eam opinionem. For these and other commentaries of the Rhenish evangelicals, see Roussel, "De Strasbourg", p. Felix Pratensis, Psalterium ex hebreo diligentissime ad verbum fere tralatum Venice ; on Steucho, supra n.
On the Scripture issues before the Council, H. Stephen Ehses, "Zwei Trienter Konzilsvota. Isidorus Clarius", Romische Quartalschrift 27 , Geschichte, Concilium Tridentinum: Diariorum, Actorum. Nova Collectio, Freiburg in Br. Histoire du Concile de Trente Bale , 1, Apparently the heirs of Luc Antonio Giunti: Cf.
Fumagalli, Lexicon typographicum italiae Firenze Contrary to Lauchert, op. In the BN, Paris, shelf no. A; in the BN Madrid, no. The Ecclesiasticus is given supra n. The Ps. From Jer. Strasbourg: Istra Dialectique et connaissance dans La Sepmaine de Du Bartas: "Discours sur discours infiniment divers". Demonet-Launay, R. Esclapez ou M. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, One of the chief preoccupations of historians who write about early modern cities is the attempt to reconstruct as accurately as possible the conditions under which people prospered or struggled, succeeded or failed.
Most often the exercise includes a revision of interpretations offered by previous writers on the subject. Steve Rappaport's impressive study of social structures in Tudor London follows this tradition: it represents both a thought-provoking historiographical review of the work of earlier historians, and a new interpretation of the economic and social conditions which shaped the careers of men who became members of the city's liveried companies.
In the first five chapters of the book the author undertakes a careful reappraisal of the social and economic evidence which has led previous historians to portray sixteenth-century London in an unfavourable light. His own findings suggest that the capital was, in fact, "admirably free" of the serious level of disorder which characterised its Continental counterparts in the same period, that perennial com- plaints about unemployment were symptomatic merely of the marked changes in the structure of London's economy which occurred in the second half of the century, and that the so-called "price revolution", though contributing to a general decline in people's standard of living, was not accompanied by either widespread hunger or dire poverty.
Rappaport's scholarship is best revealed in the second portion of the book, where he suggests new methods for analyzing social mobility. Here he bases his arguments on a sample group of men, "entrants" enroled in the city's register of freemen between and , and masters under whom they served. In Chapter 6 he reviews, then rejects, the model of urban social structure found in the work of W. Hoskins and other historians of London, which defines the structure of the city in terms of a pyramid, with the bottom two-thirds of the population living "below or very near the poverty line" and, at the top, a very small minority of people who jealously controlled most of the city's wealth.
He argues that a more accurate picture of social structure may be drawn by examining the means by which power was distributed in the city. There existed in sixteenth-century London several levels of administrative units - in effect "a multitude of worlds within worlds," in which power and authority were shared by freemen of all ranks. Under the watchful eyes of the aldermen officials of the city's parishes, wards and precincts performed a variety of social and administrative services, from peace keeping to poor relief.
But even more significant were the everyday aspects of authority and social control exercised by the livery companies. The livery companies themselves were conscious of the crucial role they played in the economic, political, legal and social life of London; consequently, admission to their ranks was a highly prized privilege. Within the companies was another series of worlds within worlds, a hierarchy which included assistants, liverymen, householders, journeymen and apprentices.
Each estate was clearly defined, with the highest status groups the assistants and liverymen enjoying privileges and assuming responsibilities denied to lesser men, but admission to the companies, which carried with it the freedom of the city, promised all prospective members some share in the political and economic life of the city.
In Chapter 8 Rappaport criticizes the methods traditionally adopted by histo- rians to examine social mobility. His findings strongly support the contention that the opportunities for social mobility in sixteenth-century London were considerable. Apprenticeship was the means by which seven of every eight men became freemen of London and members of the livery companies.
Ascriptive characteris- tics such as family wealth had little direct effect on the length of time which young men spent learning the skills of their chosen trade or craft; family background, however, did go some way towards determining who apprenticed in the city's wealthiest and most prestigious companies, and who secured the best masters. Ultimately, these factors influenced the whole course of a man's career.
Thus, the sons of gentlemen, yeomen and native Londoners were generally recruited by the twelve most prestigious companies, and served their apprenticeships under masters who were liverymen.
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The sons of husbandmen, by contrast, trained in the lesser companies, usually under masters who were mere householders. Ascriptive characteristics likewise played only an indirect role in determining which apprentices went on to become householders; opportunities for setting up shop were open to all journeymen, and most had taken this step within two or three years of completing their training. In general, then, there was still in operation at this level a "contest mobility system, a process in which what you did apparently mattered more than who you were.
In the twelve great companies at least, young men who had apprenticed under liverymen that is, sons of high-status families were nearly four times more successful than other men in being offered the livery. Such men were also virtually guaranteed to rise to the highest ranks in the company, that is, to serve as wardens, assistants and ultimately as master of the company.
In terms of social mobility, then, the estate hierarchy of the sixteenth-century companies was "rather fluid," with a generally equitable system of competition determining admission to the lower ranks, but a "fairly permeable barrier" separating mere householders from the liveried elite. Rappaport's book is beautifully written and demonstrates an impressive com- mand of the voluminous sources upon which it is based.
It remains, nevertheless, a study of only one segment, however numerous and influential, of sixteenth-century London, and the author's conclusions are, in this sense, overambitious. In addition, the numerous company records which survive from the sixteenth century bear witness to a system in which members of parishes, wards, precincts, and the liveried companies worked together in a remarkably efficient manner to deal with incidents of minor violence, debt and fraud, but the story which these records retell is only a partial one, and though other types of judicial record are not plentiful, they are not as rare as Rappaport suggests.
Assize records from the Home Counties, to cite but one example, bespeak a level of violence in the general environs of London which legal historians suggest reflected conditions within the city; among other things, they reveal a high incidence of criminal activity on the part of individuals identified clearly as citizens and companymen of London. Rappaport's apprentices and companymen themselves lived in a world within a larger world, and the conditions under which they lived and prospered were significantly different from those which governed the lives of the less privileged.
Milan, Guerini e Associati, L'Institut F. C'est dans ce cadre que Paul O. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Robert Munter and Clyde L. The history of travel has been recognized as an important aspect of intellectual and cultural history. The two books reviewed here add to this knowledge, but in very different ways. The first, Garden and Grove is a splendid analysis of the influence of the Italian Renaissance garden in England; the second.
Englishmen Abroad is essentially a collection of readings selected out of the travel accounts written during the seven- teenth century. Garden and Grove is a wonderful book in many ways. In a relatively short text, richly illustrated, John Dixon Hunt has traced the attraction and the continuing influence of Italian gardens in England. It evokes the obsession with classical antiquity as illustrated in garden design, description and allusion. The Renaissance desire to recreate the ancient world extended very much to gardens; and the attempts to recover the gardens described by Pliny, Varro and others, as well as the introduc- tion of statuary, specific buildings and, later, ruins all refer back to the classical conception of the locus amoenus.
Other elements were introduced into gardens in Italy; theatres which united art and nature, theatres which represented the ars memoriae, loggie which linked interior and exterior space, water jokes, fountains, grottos, musical instruments and much more. Eventually, such diverse and rich elements coalesced to create "miniature worlds" in gardens, worlds not only evocative of the past but conducive to a rich variety of experience, sensation and form.
The addition of displays of curiosities, botanical collections, varied topogra- phies, perspectives and hydraulic machinery blurred the distinctions between art and nature. Superimpose upon this the interrelation of garden and farm and the ideal of the italianate garden develops into more than an ideal of Renaissance sensibility and classical intent: it becomes a functional ideal, a real place which delights the senses, occupies the mind and sets a stage for a complete and cultivated life.
Hunt divides his study into two parts. The first is devoted to Italy and the English experience of gardens in Italy; the second concerns England and the attempt on the part of Englishmen to domesticate the italianate garden at home. This second section is as rich as the first, although heavily dependent upon it. In essence, the author develops in this section the changing concept of the garden in England, illustrating the importance of the garden as theatre and as a set for power and display. Country houses began to create self-consciously Italian gardens in the later six- teenth and seventeenth centuries.
The contributions of Inigo Jones, Lord Arundel, Sir John Danvers and John Evelyn as well as the lesser theorists and patrons of the italianate garden are discussed as are the gardens of Aubrey, Shaftesbury, Burling- ton and Kent, among others. One of the most provocative - and perhaps most contentious - elements of Garden and Grove is the suggestion that the "English" garden of the eighteenth century constitutes a kind of Whig symbol. Given this theory. Hunt is able to explain the introduction of gothic vocabulary into follies and ruins as a statement of the English accent in which the Roman truths were uttered.
And, most interestingly, Hunt continues by suggesting the "English" garden is the landscape context of these truths, providing natural vistas and broad uncluttered walks as the setting for the classical and historical - and, indeed, political - allusions desired by the great Whig aristocrats who effected the Glorious Revolution. Hunt's study is, then, both informative and provocative.
It is brilliantly researched and illustrated, supported by excellent notes and an index. The quality of the production is appropriate to his theme. In fact, in this age of poor proofreading and printing, I found only one minor error: Aubrey's villa at Easton Piercy p. The very insignifi- cance of this observation illustrates the quality of the book in all regards.
It is in no way a scholarly book and cannot be considered as such. Divided into ten sections containing primary source excerpts from explorers, colonists, merchants, royalty, grand tourists, diplomats, scientists, adventurers and "mere travellers," Englishmen Abroad attempts to be as inclusive as possible in discussing the experience of the 39 travellers represented in order to illustrate a "composite type" of the seventeenth-century traveller, according to Munter 's preface.
It is a fine ambition and an important subject; but the book falls so short of any acceptable level of scholarly standards that it can at best be seen as an interesting, if eccentric, piece of popular history. First, the selections, each introduced by the editors, are often not cited by edition, page reference, or, indeed, any standard bibliographical information.
There is no bibliography, so it is almost impossible to discover the sources in some cases. When some meagre material is provided it reads: "The following selections have been taken from that [edition] of J. Doyle, a photographic facsimile published in "; or, "The following excerpts Second, the principles of edition used in the text are arbitrary and conform to no standard method. Third, the categories of travellers appear equally arbitrary. Why, for example, are there no students or artists; and why is the exclusion of religious exiles whose travel accounts are often particularly useful "logical?
Fifth, there are no foot- notes or citations of any kind, making the selected texts less accessible and the introduction virtually worthless. Indeed, the weakness of the introduction questions why it was even provided. It is full of unsubstantiated generalizations, out of date scholarship, and superficial observations. The authors apparently know almost nothing of the history of travel, especially in the sixteenth century, and little about the context of the genre they are seeking to elucidate.
Some brief examples: Medieval men, as modern demographic and village studies have shown, were indeed mobile and did often "stray far from birthplace, glebe or glen"; continental travel and residence in the sixteenth century were extremely important to the history of the English Renaissance: the instances of Reginald Pole, Thomas Hoby, Richard Morison, Sir Thomas Wyatt Elder and Younger alone should indicate this; and it is strange to state with absolute convic- tion but no support such things as: "It became the thing to do for every literate sailor, venturing his life in unknown seas, to maintain a journal and to illustrate it as well If this is indeed true, I, for one, would be very much interested to see the results.
Finally, it is impossible to comment on the production of the book because it is so difficult to check the transcriptions. Thus, Englishmen Abroad represents a good idea unfulfilled. The history of travel is a very important and useful aspect of intellectual and cultural history; but Munter and Grose add nothing to it.
John Dixon Hunt's Garden and Grove illustrates what can be done in the field of the history of cultural contact; Englishmen Abroad represents what should not be done. Milton 's Epies and the Book of Psalms. Toward the end of her study Mary Ann Radzinowicz quotes Douglas Bush's remark, "We cannot feel quite certain what elements in [Psalms ] especially appealed to Milton. Although she is interested in the larger question of how Milton read scripture, she chose Psalms because "the Psalter is the book of both the Old and New Testaments It works heuristically, however, in making the reader the better able to follow Radzinowicz in the densely suggestive sequence of allusions, citations, cross references that fill the Paradise Lost pages.
The Paradise Regained chapters examine Wisdom song and Psalms of Witness in a discussion that makes their contrasting interpretation by the Son and Satan within the text the thematic matter of the text. The Messianic psalms interpreted in Hebrews are gathered within Milton's plot to shape the confrontation between Satan's "carnal literalism" and the Son's "spiritual literalism.
For Satan, history is determined, freedom is illusory; for the Son, history is perfected in the fullness of time. The proof texts for this argument, those assembled by Milton in Christian Doctrine, are: 1, 14, 19, 37, 49, 78, , , , , as well as the related 37, 73, , 94, Thus wisdom psalms are seen to reside at the core of the epic, constituting its mimesis. Wisdom song has a much smaller role in Paradise Lost, where the primary genres are the prophetic psalms as models for the proems , the blessing psalms as models for the historic events of the plot and thanksgiving psalms less models themselves than means for linking other psalm genres.
In Paradise Lost, psalms do not contribute "simply to variety and multivocality, This emphasis on process is crucial to her argument of Milton as moralist, as Adam must learn David's certainty of mortality. The depiction of death across the poem is also in process, moving from simple personification allegory to beginning to historicize and typologize death.
Psalms 49 and 89 in their personification of death both authorize Milton's allegory and prefigure its effacement, just as his typological reading of Psalm 22 allows him to demythologize his allegory. The argument for Milton's mortalism not as biographical fact, but as a thematic, structural necessity within the poem, a point beautifully argued by Balachandra Rajan a few years ago runs parallel to the argument for the poem's enactment of a belief in the creation of all things out of pre-existent matter.
Radzinowicz's book concludes with an examination of a group of frequently recurring psalms as they sum up the major points: 2 as crucial io Paradise Regained for the theme of sonship and to Paradise Lost for its prophetic aspect; 8 as it illustrates plain style parallelism a fine examination of the rhetorical means of adapting and naturalizing Hebrew metrics occurs in the "Interchapter" between Parts One and Two ; 18 and 78 as theophanies and as generic mixings of lyric kinds; 51 as it illustrates decorum in the discriminating between the laments of Adam and Eve; 19, 89, as examples of moral didacticism, suggesting what poetry can teach, what it can reveal of the poetic vocation.
The refrain -thematic incorporation, generic imitation, parallelistic echoing - closes the book by striking its major and often repeated chords. The claim is convincing, but it was convincing by the end of the introduction. The repetitive method finally tires rather than continues to illumine although occasionally there is a gleaming formulation that more than repays the reader: discussing the visibility, the concreteness of scriptural metaphors, she remarks, "To a man who once could see but can see no longer, this spectacular lucidity must have counted".
Much the same critical method was used in Toward Samson Agonistes, but there the materials were sufficiently varied and the individual readings suffi- ciently compelling that the repeated retracings and teleological plot had greater potential for surprise. Furthermore, while there is no doubt that Milton read Psalms as carefully as Radzinowicz claims, at any given citation the conjunction is infer- ential. Does cause explain effect or effect suggest cause? And the assumption that the relationship between Christian Doctrine and the poetry is transparent a position that she has held for some time, arguing forcefully for it at the close of the earlier book is certainly open to challenge.
Finally the elaborate analysis of the psalms often yields quite standard readings, as for example that Satan, Sin and Death construct an infernal parody of the Trinity. As literary archaeology, Milton 's Epics and the Book of Psalms is splendid and all students of Milton are in her debt for this compilation of echoes and allusions. But what is finally missing is a sufficiently powerful argument to activate this extraordinary mass of materials. One learns a lot about Psalms, but somewhat less about Milton's poems.
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In his criticism of post-modern- ist thought, Bruneau reflects about our own century of intellectual involvement, and notes naturally the recent collapse of marxism and other leftist ideologies around the world. He criticizes post- modernist thinkers for denying the direct role of the artists in our social reality. The history of the Renaissance in Europe shows, however, that the respective posi- tion of individuals, whether in the artistic world or in other spheres of activity, generally leads to compromises and sometimes impossible choices.
Some of the articles included in this issue of Renaissance and Reformation deal with such questions of choice and compro- mise. It is certainly the case of Michel De Waele' s account of the ambivalence of Antoine Amauld, an influential Parisian lawyer under Henri IV, and his later deci- sion to support the French monarchy.
One may sense the same position of real- ism in Donald Beecher's study of the Jewish theatre in Mantua, or perhaps in Marianne Micros's analysis of Spenser's views on women in Aprill. It seems that most of the Renaissance is a product of critical thinking, as opposed to magic, and that this critical thinking Hnds its roots for most artists in political involve- ment.
There is no better illustration of this sense of compromise than in Sebas- tian De Grazia's biography of Machiavelli, as reviewed here by Salva- tore di Maria. The study of politics pertains both to the acquisition and the exercising of authority, as well as to the organizational processes that affect the relation- ships between interest groups.
The study of literature pertains to texts, their organizations and meanings. Except that the exercising of authority often passes through the medium of texts with all that such a medium implies by way of shaping messages, while the production of texts is also a gesture or a strategy in the expressions of authority or in the negotiations between interest groups. In Renaissance Italy the political dimensions of cultural production seem particularly self-evident because of the court patronage system.
In the city states of northern Italy during the sixteenth century, rulers often pursued aggressive policies as patrons of the arts, linking the prowess of their families and the prestige of their states, not only with trade and military might, but with the magnificence of their cultural achievements. Artistic endeavours took place in a context of competition as rulers sought to increase the splendour of their courts, and as artists vied for recognition and favour. Implicit in such a production system is an economy of artistic supply and demand.
Reading the relations of power between patrons and artists can be a complex process insofar as authors are inclined to belie the terms of produc- tions in their dedications, and patrons are disincHned to record their rationales for the processes of cultural selection. In spite of these limiting circumstances culture may nevertheless be read, may be constructed, in accordance with what we know of political systems of power and exchange.
They are perhaps the only working models apt for coming to terms with the politics of artistic production. But if the study of the politics of culture is made problematic by the indeterminacies of power and influence - where demands must appear absolute, yet measure themselves to the temperaments and realities of supply, talent, and resources - it becomes potentially more problematic where cultural production is carried out by members of a minority community, one that depends for its security and privileges entirely upon the prince who is also the commanding patron in cultural affairs.
In such circumstances if it becomes difficult to separate the artistic patronage system from the relationships between those interest groups in all other negotiated areas: religious, judicial and social. That is to say, cultural production must also be perceived as an element of negotiation, in a far larger sphere of organizational processes. Such was the case in Mantua where members of the Jewish community participated in the cultural life of the city, not as independent artists, but as members of a Jewish performing organization called upon to furnish, at their own cost, theatrical performances for carnival and for court festivities — essentially as a form of taxation whereby the community was made to bear substantial portions of the costs demanded by the state in its pursuit of a policy tantamount to cultural imperialism.
Such a contribution to the Mantuan state, even when viewed as a form of taxation, nevertheless embodied a two-way organizational process whereby the Jews could also conduct the transaction as a means for reclaiming power - for through their dutiful "payment" in the form of dramatic perfor- mances they had expectations of reward and protection. That is to say, the plays carried the identity of the service group - these were plays by "the Hebrews" - and they were offered under constraint; it is precisely these features that gave this form of cultural participation contractual value, even if nothing of an immediately material nature was contingent upon the produc- tions.
That the Jews were under command did not cancel the fact that they also had the control over the creation of the spectacle. The emerging hypothesis is that both forms of construction were implicit in the presentation of the annual play by the Jews, namely an unfaltering response to ducal command in keeping with an established tradition, and the protection of the Jewish community as an artistic resource. The hypothesis proposed is that the performances of the Jewish players were linked in material ways to the entire set of negotiations that defined official Judeo-Christian relations in the city.
Yet nowhere do contemporary documents specify directly that the plays were employed as a negotiating tool, or even that they were perceived to be a form of taxation. The thesis must be advanced largely through arguments of circumstance, juxtaposition of events, and probabilities of an intuitive kind. Could the dukes be expected to separate in their minds the pleasures of the theatre from the animosities produced by trade rivalries between Christian and Jewish merchants and the need for protective policies for the Jewish populace?
Or could the Jews, in producing the annual carnival play, forget that the dukes alone had the power to protect them from anti- Semitic rioting and papal decrees for the implementation of regulations that would curtail their economic growth and limit their civil liberties? These associations create circumstantial evidence suggesting that a kind of contaminatio of thinking would have taken place on both sides, and that the theatrical productions, as contributions by a visible minority, would figure in the power negotiations between the two groups.
It is pertinent that the most outstanding Jewish playwright of the period, a man whose career was in fact a product of this unique Mantuan theatrical arrangement, in the dedication of his last and only surviving Italian play. The Three Sisters, constructs the relationship between the prince and the play- wright largely in terms of the patronage system wherein he sees himself as a humble servant who, out of pure devotion, offers his work to the prince.
His purpose in the dedication was to wish the duke long Hfe and happiness, and to remind him that a performance of the play was forthcoming, presumably for the carnival season of That performance would involve the "uni- versal participation" of his nation, a nation, he goes on to say, whose "only desire [was] to live under the grace of your Most Serene Highness. De' Sommi promotes the play and its eventual performance as an offering of his entire community. In the language of dedications, it was a gentle reminder of the importance of his cultural transaction to the entire Jewish community.
His conventional tone of subservience may also bear echoes of apprehension, not only for the duke's future, but for his own at the outset of a new administration. Vincenzo was no stranger to Leone, for even during his years as prince Vincenzo had been much involved in the promotion of dramatic events, an involvement that, as duke, he would turn into a series of projects that would prove almost financially fatal to the state.
Leone had every reason to be concerned for the role the Jews might be compelled to play in the pursuit of such a policy. Thus in wishing good health to the new duke, Leone implies his continued willingness to serve, while in subtle ways he hints at loyalties of his nation meriting rewards. Jewish cultural empowerment and participation in Mantuan court life was itselfthe result ofthe creation ofa particular "moment" in cultural history. This moment was the combined product of the secularization of civil life during the Renaissance, the resources created by the pursuit of aggressive economic policies, and the competition among princes in artistic matters.
The Mantuan Jews had arrived at unprecedented levels of mobility and self-deter- mination under Guglielmo Gonzaga. He had followed a policy that included a full recognition of the advantages for the state in strengthening Jewish commercial and banking interests. With this stimulation came opportunities for the growth of Jewish culture, along with a climate conducive to Jewish participation in the cultural life of the city and court.
Such an arrangement with the Jews gave a competitive edge to Mantua's cultural and economic cultural and economic ambitions. Under Guglielmo a balance was achieved through accorded privileges, repression of anti-semitic hostilities, and heavy taxation - a balance whereby the Jews were allowed to prosper even though their contribution to the state was substantial. This is one set of terms, at least, for constructing the Judeo-Christian contract that both permitted and neces- sitated the full flowering ofthe Jewish theatrical tradition.
In due course this governing body developed its various major and minor council and specialized committees. If the Jews were to thrive for such purposes, they had to be protected from papal legislation, unfair commercial competition, and popular repres- sions. In exchange' for protection they were heavily taxed, but for their contribution to the economic and cultural prosperity of the state they were also often rewarded with greater cultural, religious, and judicial autonomy. Theatre was but one of the channels of power exchange in the general contract.
As for integration, there were reticences and barriers on both sides. Such Christian institutions as the Accademia degli Invaghiti, the Mantuan acad- emy, with very few exceptions, remained entirely closed to Jews, while within the Jewish community there was resistance to the new liberalization of policy that might create temptations to abandon Hebrew culture and to assimilate into Italian society. Throughout the period there were constant philosophical speculations concerning the self-identity of both Christians and Jews in relation to each other. A further study of these issues here would lead away from the matter at hand, but they are a part of the general transaction involving Jewish participation in Christian culture and the Christian reception of that contribution.